Caste gap considered as dominant caste
Okumaya devam et...
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| Western education, jobs on administration and political clout and contacts have been considered by subsequent authors to be additional factors of dominance.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Hasnain|first=Nadeem|title=Indian Anthropology|publisher=Palaka Prakashan|year=2011|isbn=978-81-85799-62-9|location=Delhi|pages=275–276}}</ref>pk | Western education, jobs on administration and political clout and contacts have been considered by subsequent authors to be additional factors of dominance.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Hasnain|first=Nadeem|title=Indian Anthropology|publisher=Palaka Prakashan|year=2011|isbn=978-81-85799-62-9|location=Delhi|pages=275–276}}</ref>pk |
| ==Caste groups considered as dominant caste== | ==Caste gap considered as dominant caste== |
| Several caste groups are considered as dominant caste in several parts of India, depending upon their economic status and political representation in the region. In Bihar, [[Koeri]], [[Kurmi]] and [[Yadav]] are considered as dominant caste groups, as these middle peasant castes became prime moving force in the post land reforms period by increasing their landholding at the cost of big landlords and dislodging the erstwhile elite groups from political power. In south India, castes like [[Lingayat]] and [[Vokkaliga]] are considered as dominant castes.<ref>{{cite book|title=Education For Dalits|year=2004|place=India|publisher =Discovery Publishing House Pvt. Limited|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=c_sGweojVPYC&pg=PA254|page=254 |isbn=9788171418725 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Kumar|first=S.|year=2018|title= Post-Mandal Politics in Bihar Changing Electoral Patterns|publisher =SAGE Publications|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=IVxODwAAQBAJ&pg=PT66|page=66|isbn=9789352805860 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Great Transition In India: Critical Explorations|year=2020|place=Singapore|publisher=World Scientific Publishing Company.|isbn=9789811222351 |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=hXr1DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA31|quote= In Bihar, the alliance of three castes — the Yadav, Kurmi, and Koeri — dislodged the Forward Castes from power.}}</ref> Author Alakh Sharma notes that in the post independence India, the upper middle castes of Bihar, which included Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav caste, were the beneficiary of incomplete Green Revolution. This social group cornered the institutional credit and were able to produce much more from their land as compared to the upper caste landholders. The failure of upper caste big peasants and landlords in using their land with productivity led to loss of land by way of selling. Sharma observes that in comparison to other social groups, the dispossession of land from the upper caste happened at a higher rate. This transformation gradually change the economic profile of rural area in states like Bihar. Riding upon the wave of change, the dominant groups from upper middle caste viz. Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav rose to prominence in rural agrarian society. This change in hierarchy in the space of economy also elevated these castes as new political elite of the state, which was followed by defeat and weakening of upper caste controlled [[Indian National Congress]] in Bihar.<ref>{{cite journal|author=Alakh N. Sharma|title =Agrarian Relations and Socio-Economic Change in Bihar.|journal= Economic and Political Weekly|volume =40|issue= 10|year= 2005|pages= 960–72|jstor=4416306|quote= The results of the 1967 elections were a striking proof of a newly conscious peasantry. The Congress dominated by the landowning upper castes was defeated because of the withdrawal of support by the awakened middle peasantry. The upper middle castes, particularly the three numerous dominant castes, yadav, koeri and kurmi, had significantly improved their economic position in the post-independence period. These three castes have been the important beneficiaries of the so-called Green Revolution in Bihar, in whatever small manner this might have happened in the state. These sturdy and hardy castes, traditionally engaged in cultivation, have managed to produce more from cultivation than their upper caste counterparts. They have cornered a sig- nificant portion of the institutional credit. These developments have also affected the pattern of land distribution in the coun- tryside. Big peasants and landlords have been losing more land compared to other classes. The process of dispossession of land has been much faster among upper castes compared to other castes. As a matter of fact, the three upper-middle castes are the major beneficiaries of the land-losses suffered by the upper caste landlords/big peasants and they have significantly strengthened their position in the rural society. Thus, there have been signifi- cant changes in the agrarian and rural class structure in Bihar in the post-independence period.}}</ref> The erstwhile dominant caste in Bihar were [[Rajput]] and [[Bhumihar]], who until 1967, dominated the rural landscape. However, due to intense rivalry between them, they lost in political space to the middle castes, the trio of Yadav, Koeri and Kurmi. Later, the upper caste moved to cities in search of more opportunities, leading to a vacuum in the dominant space occupied by them in rural areas in all walks of life. This vacuum was filled by newly prosperous upper middle castes, who gradually took over the dominant space in rural areas. It is believed that the economic and educational development of certain [[Other Backward Class|Backward Castes]] (dubbed as upper middle caste) made them conscious of their rights and numerical superiority, which raised their representation in democratic politics, and by 1967, they emerged as political force in states like Bihar.<ref>{{cite book|title=Handbook of Global Social Policy|year=2019|place=United States|publisher =[[Taylor & Francis]]|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=F5zSDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA136|pages=136–37|isbn=9781482270297 |quote=The upper castes-Brahman, Bhumihar, Rajput, and Kayastha-are ap proximately 13% of the total population of Bihar. They are, however, dominant in all walks of life. They are moving toward urban areas in search of better opportunities. In rural areas the place of the upper castes is being taken by some of the newly prosperous backward castes like Yadava, Kurmi, and Koiri. They were clean castes and earlier assigned a service relationship with the upper castes. Along with Banias, they constitute 19.3% of the population of Bihar. The Banias are forward in respect to all variables of social and political development though they claim themselves to be backward. Previously they were moneylenders, and even now they are in control of trade and commerce in Bihar. The more backward castes constitute 32% of the state population. They are mostly landless workers in the rural areas. Caste politics has deep roots in Bihar. It began with the movement for the partition of Bihar from Bengal in the early twentieth century. The English-educated Kayasthas became leaders of the freedom movement in the 1920s. They were challenged by the land-owning, numerically stronger Bhumihars in different spheres. Subsequently, the Brahmans and the Rajputs joined the race. Until 1967 these four castes dominated the political scene. In 1967 a number of backward castes of kulaks emerged, such as the Yadava, Kurmi, Koiri, and Bania. The leaders of the upper castes felt impelled to align themselves with the politicians of the backward castes because of the intense rivalry among them. For example, there was keen political rivalry between the land-owning dominant castes, the Rajputs and the Bhumihars.}}</ref> | Several caste groups are considered as dominant caste in several parts of India, depending upon their economic status and political representation in the region. In Bihar, [[Koeri]], [[Kurmi]] and [[Yadav]] are considered as dominant caste groups, as these middle peasant castes became prime moving force in the post land reforms period by increasing their landholding at the cost of big landlords and dislodging the erstwhile elite groups from political power. In south India, castes like [[Lingayat]] and [[Vokkaliga]] are considered as dominant castes.<ref>{{cite book|title=Education For Dalits|year=2004|place=India|publisher =Discovery Publishing House Pvt. Limited|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=c_sGweojVPYC&pg=PA254|page=254 |isbn=9788171418725 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Kumar|first=S.|year=2018|title= Post-Mandal Politics in Bihar Changing Electoral Patterns|publisher =SAGE Publications|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=IVxODwAAQBAJ&pg=PT66|page=66|isbn=9789352805860 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Great Transition In India: Critical Explorations|year=2020|place=Singapore|publisher=World Scientific Publishing Company.|isbn=9789811222351 |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=hXr1DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA31|quote= In Bihar, the alliance of three castes — the Yadav, Kurmi, and Koeri — dislodged the Forward Castes from power.}}</ref> Author Alakh Sharma notes that in the post independence India, the upper middle castes of Bihar, which included Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav caste, were the beneficiary of incomplete Green Revolution. This social group cornered the institutional credit and were able to produce much more from their land as compared to the upper caste landholders. The failure of upper caste big peasants and landlords in using their land with productivity led to loss of land by way of selling. Sharma observes that in comparison to other social groups, the dispossession of land from the upper caste happened at a higher rate. This transformation gradually change the economic profile of rural area in states like Bihar. Riding upon the wave of change, the dominant groups from upper middle caste viz. Koeri, Kurmi and Yadav rose to prominence in rural agrarian society. This change in hierarchy in the space of economy also elevated these castes as new political elite of the state, which was followed by defeat and weakening of upper caste controlled [[Indian National Congress]] in Bihar.<ref>{{cite journal|author=Alakh N. Sharma|title =Agrarian Relations and Socio-Economic Change in Bihar.|journal= Economic and Political Weekly|volume =40|issue= 10|year= 2005|pages= 960–72|jstor=4416306|quote= The results of the 1967 elections were a striking proof of a newly conscious peasantry. The Congress dominated by the landowning upper castes was defeated because of the withdrawal of support by the awakened middle peasantry. The upper middle castes, particularly the three numerous dominant castes, yadav, koeri and kurmi, had significantly improved their economic position in the post-independence period. These three castes have been the important beneficiaries of the so-called Green Revolution in Bihar, in whatever small manner this might have happened in the state. These sturdy and hardy castes, traditionally engaged in cultivation, have managed to produce more from cultivation than their upper caste counterparts. They have cornered a sig- nificant portion of the institutional credit. These developments have also affected the pattern of land distribution in the coun- tryside. Big peasants and landlords have been losing more land compared to other classes. The process of dispossession of land has been much faster among upper castes compared to other castes. As a matter of fact, the three upper-middle castes are the major beneficiaries of the land-losses suffered by the upper caste landlords/big peasants and they have significantly strengthened their position in the rural society. Thus, there have been signifi- cant changes in the agrarian and rural class structure in Bihar in the post-independence period.}}</ref> The erstwhile dominant caste in Bihar were [[Rajput]] and [[Bhumihar]], who until 1967, dominated the rural landscape. However, due to intense rivalry between them, they lost in political space to the middle castes, the trio of Yadav, Koeri and Kurmi. Later, the upper caste moved to cities in search of more opportunities, leading to a vacuum in the dominant space occupied by them in rural areas in all walks of life. This vacuum was filled by newly prosperous upper middle castes, who gradually took over the dominant space in rural areas. It is believed that the economic and educational development of certain [[Other Backward Class|Backward Castes]] (dubbed as upper middle caste) made them conscious of their rights and numerical superiority, which raised their representation in democratic politics, and by 1967, they emerged as political force in states like Bihar.<ref>{{cite book|title=Handbook of Global Social Policy|year=2019|place=United States|publisher =[[Taylor & Francis]]|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=F5zSDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA136|pages=136–37|isbn=9781482270297 |quote=The upper castes-Brahman, Bhumihar, Rajput, and Kayastha-are ap proximately 13% of the total population of Bihar. They are, however, dominant in all walks of life. They are moving toward urban areas in search of better opportunities. In rural areas the place of the upper castes is being taken by some of the newly prosperous backward castes like Yadava, Kurmi, and Koiri. They were clean castes and earlier assigned a service relationship with the upper castes. Along with Banias, they constitute 19.3% of the population of Bihar. The Banias are forward in respect to all variables of social and political development though they claim themselves to be backward. Previously they were moneylenders, and even now they are in control of trade and commerce in Bihar. The more backward castes constitute 32% of the state population. They are mostly landless workers in the rural areas. Caste politics has deep roots in Bihar. It began with the movement for the partition of Bihar from Bengal in the early twentieth century. The English-educated Kayasthas became leaders of the freedom movement in the 1920s. They were challenged by the land-owning, numerically stronger Bhumihars in different spheres. Subsequently, the Brahmans and the Rajputs joined the race. Until 1967 these four castes dominated the political scene. In 1967 a number of backward castes of kulaks emerged, such as the Yadava, Kurmi, Koiri, and Bania. The leaders of the upper castes felt impelled to align themselves with the politicians of the backward castes because of the intense rivalry among them. For example, there was keen political rivalry between the land-owning dominant castes, the Rajputs and the Bhumihars.}}</ref> |
Okumaya devam et...